A national experiment reveals where a growth mindset improves achievement

The National Study of Learning Mindsets showed that a low-cost treatment, delivered in less than an hour, attained a substantial proportion of the effects on grades of the most effective rigorously evaluated adolescent interventions of any cost or duration in the literature within the pre-registered group of lower-achieving students. Moreover, the intervention produced gains in the consequential outcome of advanced mathematics course-taking for students overall, which is meaningful because the rigor of mathematics courses taken in high school strongly predicts later educational attainment, and educational attainment is one of the leading predictors of longevity and health. The finding that the growth mindset intervention could redirect critical academic outcomes to such an extent—with no training of teachers; in an effectiveness trial conducted in a population-generalizable sample; with data collected by an independent research company using repeatable procedures; with data processed by a second independent research company; and while adhering to a comprehensive pre-registered analysis plan—is a major advance.

Furthermore, the evidence about the kinds of schools where the growth mindset treatment effect on grades was sustained, and where it was not, has important implications for future interventions. We might have expected that the intervention would compensate for unsupportive school norms, and that students who already had supportive peer norms would not need the intervention as much. Instead, it was when the peer norm supported the adoption of intellectual challenges that the intervention promoted sustained benefits in the form of higher grades.

Perhaps students in unsupportive peer climates risked paying a social price for taking on intellectual challenges in front of peers who thought it undesirable to do so. Sustained change may therefore require both a high-quality seed (an adaptive belief system conveyed by a compelling intervention) and conductive soil in which that seed can grow (a context congruent with the proffered belief system). A limitation of our moderation results, of course, is that we cannot draw causal conclusions about the effects of the school norm, as the norms were measured, not manipulated. It is encouraging that a Bayesian analysis, reported in the Supplementary Information section 8, yielded evidence consistent with a causal interpretation of the school norms variable. The present research therefore sets the stage for a new era of experimental research that seeks to enhance both students’ mindsets and the school environments that support student learning.

We emphasize that not all forms of growth mindset interventions can be expected to increase grades or advanced course-taking, even in the targeted subgroups. New growth mindset interventions that go beyond the module and population tested here will need to be subjected to rigorous development and validation processes, as the current programme was.

Finally, this study offers lessons for the science of adolescent behaviour change. Beliefs—and particularly beliefs that affect how students make sense of ongoing challenges—are important during high-stakes developmental turning points such as pubertal maturation or the transition to secondary school. Indeed, new interventions in the future should address the interpretation of other challenges that adolescents experience, including social and interpersonal difficulties, to affect outcomes (such as depression) that thus far have proven difficult to address. And the combined importance of belief change and school environments in our study underscores the need for interdisciplinary research to understand the numerous influences on adolescents’ developmental trajectories.